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In 1833, Douglass, 15, returned as a field hand to the Anthony farm, now run by Hugh Auld’s brother Thomas, who inherited it from his late wife, Lucretia. Thomas Auld worked his slaves hard and kept them near starvation. He found the learned and forthright Douglass unruly and beat him often before selling him in 1834 to farmer Edward Covey, a reputed “slave breaker.” After a year of severe beatings—culminating in a surprisingly successful fistfight with Covey—Douglass was sold to a kind master. But he only wanted freedom. In 1836, he and some other slaves plotted to flee for Pennsylvania by boat and on foot. They were betrayed, however, and arrested. After a week in jail, Douglass—fearing he would be sent to the deep South—was instead retrieved by Thomas Auld and sent again to Hugh Auld. Once in Baltimore, Douglass worked in the shipyards and joined free Black educational groups where he honed his famous debating skills. In 1838, he met a free woman named Anna Murray and they were engaged. Now Douglass had to escape.
In September 1838, Douglass fled Baltimore dressed as a sailor and carrying a friend’s “protection papers,” which certified that he was a free American sailor. Anna bought him a ticket to Philadelphia and a friend brought his luggage to the Philadelphia train “just at the point of starting.” When Douglass produced his protection papers, the conductor gave him only a casual glance. In Wilmington, Del., he took a steamboat to Philadelphia, but Douglass knew he was not safe from slave hunters. He took another train north to New York City, arriving September 4, 1838, as a free man.
Douglass sent for Anna and they married on September 15 in New York. They continued to New Bedford, Mass., to ensure their safety from slave catchers. After a few months in New Bedford, Douglass subscribed to The Liberator, edited by abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison, leader of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Douglass joined the society and regularly attended meetings and lectures. He also became involved in New Bedford’s Black community, serving as a preacher and speaking out about issues affecting the community. In 1841, Douglass, 23, finally met his hero Garrison at an abolitionist meeting in New Bedford. As abolitionists, they convened together in various cities, including Pittsburgh, and deeply admired each other. Over time, however, philosophical differences caused them to part ways. Garrison believed that the U.S. Constitution was a proslavery document; Douglass did not. And unlike Garrison, Douglass did not believe in dissolving the Union.
Douglass earned a reputation as an impassioned and tireless orator. He was appointed a lecturer by the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society and, with Charles Lenox Remond, conducted a One Hundred Conventions lecture tour in the West, stopping in Pittsburgh on November 6 and 7, 1843. Douglass lectured at the First Baptist Church in Pittsburgh, pastored by the Reverend Samuel L. Williams. Because of his education and speaking skills, many people doubted that Douglass had actually been a slave. Determined to make his story public, he wrote The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass in 1845. In his narrative, Douglass named his slaveholder, a revelation that placed his freedom in jeopardy. In 1845, Douglass left with Garrison for a two-year speaking tour of the British Isles. By 1847, Douglass was an international celebrity, and generous benefactors raised funds to purchase his freedom from Hugh Auld—for about $700. Douglass also returned with enough money to begin his own abolitionist newspaper, The North Star, eventually joined in that endeavor by his friend and colleague Martin R. Delany of Pittsburgh.
In the 1850s, Douglass moved to Rochester, N.Y., to a house that was close enough to the Canadian border for him to escape from would-be kidnappers. During the Civil War, Douglass insisted in his speeches and editorials that abolition must be an ultimate goal of the war. He helped recruit Blacks
In 1850, John Drennen, a businessman from western Arkansas, and his wife, signed the register at the sumptuous Monongahela House, a five-story hotel on Water Street in Pittsburgh. Their 14-year-old Negro slave was directed below to the servant’s quarters. The trip, lasting more than a month, had been arduous, traveling southeast through navigable sections of the Arkansas River or overland by carriage. When the Drennen party reached the Mississippi River, they made their way north by steamboat, through dangerous currents and the steamy summer weather. Reaching Pittsburgh in July, a carriage at the Monongahela wharf stood ready to take the Drennens to Monongahela House, the city’s finest hotel. The slave girl followed a dray with the luggage.
The trip had been hard on the family’s clothing, which was the girl’s chief responsibility. In their room, she emptied the master’s trunk before filling it again with damaged clothing—shirtwaists with torn buckles, shirts with rips, shoes with their soles coming loose, clothing with stains. The trunk now would go to an assortment of service people: washerwomen, seamstresses, cobblers, bootblacks.
She dressed the mistress for dinner then called for a porter to help her with the trunk. So far the waitstaff had been extremely kind to her. They were servants but not slaves, they told her. She hardly was aware of the laws here—that Pennsylvania had long since abolished slavery and that in recent years all slaves, except for fugitives, were banned from the state.
The girl walked out the hotel’s rear door.
The Drennens’ trunk was recovered and returned to them, but no record exists on the slave girl’s life after her escape.
The Monongahela House stood at Smithfield Street and Fort Pitt Boulevard, a handsome sentry overlooking the gentle river for which it was named. Built in 1840, it had 210 lavishly furnished rooms. When the Great Fire of 1845 destroyed the Monongahela House, the proprietor rebuilt the hotel bigger and better. Reopened in 1847, its façade was simple. It had touches of Renaissance Revival, heavy bracketed cornices, and dozens of windows. But its history and its interior were grand.
It rose five stories tall and boasted a 60-square- foot rotunda crowned with an opulent dome that showered natural light. It then had nearly 300 rooms, and its guests, who over time included presidents, royalty, and a multitude of celebrities, gushed about its white marble floors, leather furniture, and massive staircases. Service was premium. Scores of free Black waitstaff catered to guests’ every whim. In a region known for its fierce abolitionist zeal, much of the Black staff used the hotel’s airy corridors to conduct secret antislavery activity.
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Their work became the stuff of legend as they devised clever, daring escapes to spirit enslaved African Americans to freedom. Women were sometimes disguised as men, runaways were slipped out of back doors, and people were hidden away in trunks.
The Monongahela House waitstaff collaborated with two nearby Black-owned businesses, Vashon’s bathhouse and Peck’s Oyster House. Both establishments served as “railroad stations” to hide runaways and prepare them for the flight to freedom.
Though not officially a part of the Underground Railroad, the Monongahela House did seem sympathetic to the cause of abolition. In one instance, Martin R. Delany, an outspoken Pittsburgh abolitionist and friend of Frederick Douglass, was called to the hotel as activists witnessed the recapture of a slave. Delany came and gathered a crowd, which wrestled the runaway man from the policeman’s grip and hurried the slave to a safe house.
Also, during the era of slavery, one stormy night in 1861, President Abraham Lincoln slept at the Monongahela House. It was Feb. 13 and 14, and the nation’s new leader was on his way to Washington to be sworn in. He slept on the second floor of Monongahela House. The next morning, he spoke from a hotel balcony to the thousands assembled outside.
Lincoln was not the only famous person to visit the Monongahela House. So, too, came presidents Ulysses Grant, Grover Cleveland, and William McKinley. In strode Mark Twain, Charles Dickens, and Buffalo Bill. Before he became King Edward VII of England, the Prince of Wales, too, stayed in Monongahela House.
The Monongahela House existed for 95 years. It was demolished in 1935 to make way for a bus depot.
Henry Box Brown’s escape was so simple it seems unbelievable—he mailed himself to freedom. Unlike many slaves, Brown’s life in captivity was not riddled with horror stories of physical abuse. Born into slavery in 1815 in Louisa County, Va., Brown believed that his faithful service would earn him freedom after his master’s death. Instead, the man bequeathed Brown to his son, asking on his deathbed that the younger man treat Brown, a smart man and good worker, fairly. In 1830, Brown was sent to Richmond to work in a tobacco factory. Again, his overseers were ordered not to abuse him. He was given suitable clothing and money to buy items to send back to his mother.
In time, Brown was permitted to marry another slave, Nancy, with the promise from her slaveholder that he would not sell her. The couple had three children and Brown reimbursed Nancy’s owner for the time she spent caring for them. Despite the slaveholder’s promise, however, Nancy and the children changed owners several times before a final sale to a Methodist minister in 1848 took her and their three children to North Carolina.
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Determined to escape, Brown colluded with a freedman friend, James C.A. Smith, and White storekeeper, Samuel Smith, to have himself shipped to a free state. For $86—a modern value of roughly $2,100 and more than half of Brown’s savings—he was shipped in a dry goods crate to Philadelphia abolitionist James Miller McKim. On March 29, 1849, the box, equipped with a gimlet to allow more air and a “bladder of water,” began the 350-mile journey. For 27 hours, Brown was tumbled and turned upside-down as his crate transferred from wagon, to railroad, to steamboat then to another wagon, a second railroad, a ferry, a third railroad, and finally a delivery wagon.
But McKim was there to receive the crate. Members of the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, of which McKim was a member, gathered around the box, and McKim inquired, “Is all right within?” Brown replied, “All right!”
Brown earned the nickname “Box” shortly after his adventure and went by Henry Box Brown ever after. He became a popular speaker for the Anti-Slavery Society and published two versions of his autobiography, “Narrative of the Life of Henry Box Brown,” in 1849 (in Boston) and again in 1851 (in Manchester, England).
A well-spoken man with a flare for public presentation, Brown created and exhibited a panorama called “Mirror of Slavery,” which depicted slave life and his escape. Sales of a lithograph by Samuel Rowse, “The Resurrection of Henry Box Brown at Philadelphia,” which depicted the moment Brown emerged from his box, helped pay for his panorama. The federal Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 forced Brown to flee to England that same year. For the next decade, he toured England with his panorama, helping to garner English support for American abolitionists.
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